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Monday, February 13, 2012

The meaning of life



Reading the newspaper on Saturday I came across an article about the Japanese imperial family. This family is on the throne for a 125 generations, but now, for the first time in history, the family is about to die out. There are only seven males left, of which only one is younger than 45. If Prince Hisahito (now 5) doesn’t have any sons, he would be the last one on the throne. This due to a law which only allows male to sit on the Chrysanthemum Throne and excludes females after marriage. This narrows the line of succession to a minimum.

A Roman family; a relief from the Ara Pacis (Uffizi Gallery, Florence) 
A similar feature happened in ancient Rome. Not all circumstances were the same, but in the end the outcome was similar. Families died out (legally) due to the lack of a male heir. Above all was Roman life dominated by a high mortality and a high fertility figure. The high mortality figure is caused by diseases, bad hygiene and ineffective medical care. Next to these causes the mortality figure is heightened through battle, proscription (legal murder) and civil war. With an expected life expectancy at birth of 25, appr. one third of the infants die before their first birthday. This high mortality had its impact on family life. Due to the high mortality and the wish for the continuation of the family line, many children could be necessary. But due to the Roman inheritance rules too many children were a disadvantage for the family fortune.


In 1983 Hopkins wrote a book about the openness of the Roman senate. He concludes that the aristocratic (political) elite were unable to biologically reproduce themselves. Only 4% of the consuls in his research (249-50) had consuls in six consecutive generations. 40% had a consular father and 32% had a consular son. 27% only had one consul in the family. Five or six consuls are quite rare. Although the Scipiones had seven generations starting earlier, nevertheless this is quite an accomplishment. Hopkins bases his theory on so called model life tables. Because there is no real– only partial and/or defective – demographic information left, historians use model life tables for a indication of life expectancy for example. These tables are based on modern demographic data. There are different sets of model life tables available. All based on different data. Hopkins for instance uses the United Nations tables, whereas Parkin prefers the Coale-Demeny tables. For Parkin, the United Nations tables are to rigid when it come to variations of the mortality figure. He prefers the more flexible Coale-Demeny tables.

To see the difference between both sets of tables, it is best to look at a arbitrary cohort of 100,000 people. At the end of each year we look at the number of people who died (dx) and the people who survived (lx). For a better comparison we take from both sets the tables with a average life expectancy at birth of 25 (e0 = 25). This means that every child born alive, had an average life expectancy of 25. If the child reached the age of one, the average life expectancy would be higher. This figure cannot be lower than 20, because it would be impossible for a human population to reproduce itself.

 So, we have an arbitrary cohort of 100,000 people and an average life expectancy of 25. This table shows the numbers used per 5 year, with the exception of the first year (to show infant mortality). After one year of our 100,000 people, around 70,000 are still alive. At age 30 only 40,021 are alive; which means that more than half died by then.
This table also shows that the differences between the tables used by Hopkins and those used by Parkin are minimal. Parkin does appear to have a slightly better outcome. The greatest deviation can be found at the age of 60. In Hopkin’s table 13,155 people are still alive (13.16% of the original cohort); for Parkin 16,712 people (16.71%). Is a deviation of 3.56% statistically negligible? Until year 6o in Hopkins’ table dies an average of 6,203 persons per period; for Parkin this is 5,949. A difference of 254 persons per period. That’s 0.000254% of the original cohort. I’m not a statistician, but for me that’s not much. So I think the difference between both tables are negligible.

The big difference is in choosing the average life expectancy at birth. The outcome for e0=25 or e0=30 can make a huge difference. I made a separate set for Hopkins’ e0=25 as well as e0=30. This table shows that another choice in average life expectancy can lead to different outcome.
For instance, if we look at the number of persons alive at 60, for e0=25 13,155 persons are alive, for e0=30 this is 19,353. A difference of 6,198 persons. This difference is higher than the aviation between the model used by Hopkins’ and that of Parkin! So the choice of average life expectancy is more important than choosing the model.

Do these models be of any value when we look at the Scipiones? A child born in this family had an average chance of 70% to reach his first birthday. The most important political functions can only be reached at a later age: consul at 42 year and praetor at 39 year. The average chance of reaching this age is 32% (40 year). For the Scipiones we know only the men who reached this age and therefore played a role on the political playfield. Of only two Scipiones we know their age at death. The first is L. Scipio, the son of Scipio Asiagenus. His epitaph mentions his age as 33, “annos gnatus XXXIII mortuos”. The second Scipio is Scipio Comatus. His epitaph says he died at 16, “annoru gnatus XVI”. Of none of the other male Scipiones the age at death is known, even not from those whose epitaphs we know. In those cases only an estimation can be made. For these cases a model is not a solution.
So a model life table can only be used for the more mundane questions, for giving an global image of a population in a certain time and certain place.

Based on:
A.J. Coale and P. Demeny, Regional model life tables and stable populations (2e print; New York, 1983)
K. Hopkins, Death and renewal Vol. 2. (Cambridge, 1983)
T.G. Parkin, Demography and Roman society (1992)
United Nations, Methods for population projections by sex and age Vol. 25. (New York, 1956)
R. Woods, “Ancient and early modern mortality: Experience and understanding”,  in: Economic History Review 60.2 (2007), p. 373-99

Further reading suggestions:
B. Frier, “Roman life expectancy: Ulpian's evidence”,  in: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 86 (1982), p. 213-51
R.P. Saller, Patriarchy, property and death in the Roman family (reprint; Cambridge, 1996)
W. Scheidel, “Roman age structure: Evidence and models”,  in: JRS 91 (2001), p. 1-26

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